Indonesia's Presidential Election: A Vibrant Democracy and Economy at Stake

Indonesia is holding its presidential election on Wednesday, with more than 200 million eligible voters heading to the polls.
Outgoing President Joko Widodo, popularly known as Jokowi, has dominated Indonesian politics since 2014 but is constitutionally barred from seeking a consecutive third term.
The country has made impressive gains since the fall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998 and is now one of Asia's most vibrant democracies and economies.
Indonesia's Presidential Election: A Vibrant Democracy and Economy at Stake

Indonesia is holding its presidential election on Wednesday, with more than 200 million eligible voters heading to the polls. The country has made impressive gains since the fall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998 and is now one of Asia's most vibrant democracies and economies. Outgoing President Joko Widodo, popularly known as Jokowi, has dominated Indonesian politics since 2014 but is constitutionally barred from seeking a consecutive third term. The three main candidates are Prabowo Subianto, Ganjar Pranowo and Anies Baswedan.



Confidence

80%

Doubts
  • It's not clear if there are any significant issues with the voting process in Indonesia.

Sources

75%

  • Unique Points
    • Indonesia's upcoming presidential election is a celebration known as Pesta Demokrasi or Democracy Party.
    • The biggest bloc this time is people under 40, who make up more than half of Indonesia's voters.
    • More than 200 million eligible voters will head to the polls in Indonesia on Wednesday.
  • Accuracy
    • Prabowo Subianto has been accused of complicity in major human rights abuses during the final years of Suharto's dictatorship.
  • Deception (100%)
    None Found At Time Of Publication
  • Fallacies (75%)
    The article contains several examples of informal fallacies. The author uses an appeal to authority by stating that Indonesia is the world's third-largest democracy without providing any evidence or context for this claim. Additionally, the use of inflammatory rhetoric in describing the presidential election as a 'three-way race' and referring to candidates as numbers rather than their names creates a hostile environment towards certain groups of people. The article also contains an example of dichotomous depiction by stating that Indonesia was once under brutal rule but is now known for its free and fair elections, without providing any context or evidence for this claim.
    • The author uses an appeal to authority by stating that Indonesia is the world's third-largest democracy without providing any evidence or context for this claim.
    • The use of inflammatory rhetoric in describing the presidential election as a 'three-way race' and referring to candidates as numbers rather than their names creates a hostile environment towards certain groups of people.
    • The article also contains an example of dichotomous depiction by stating that Indonesia was once under brutal rule but is now known for its free and fair elections, without providing any context or evidence for this claim.
  • Bias (85%)
    The article contains examples of religious bias and monetary bias. The author uses the phrase 'Democracy Party' to describe Election Day in Indonesia which is not an accurate representation as it implies that democracy is only celebrated on this day when in fact it should be a continuous celebration throughout the year.
    • The article describes how Indonesians refer to the three men by their candidate numbers, so in homes, warungs and cafes here, the inevitable question is: “Are you voting for 1, 2 or 3?”
      • The author uses the phrase 'Democracy Party' to describe Election Day in Indonesia which is not an accurate representation as it implies that democracy is only celebrated on this day when in fact it should be a continuous celebration throughout the year.
      • Site Conflicts Of Interest (50%)
        The article discusses the concept of a 'democracy party' in Indonesia and how it is seen as an important aspect of the country's third-largest democracy. The authors have personal relationships with Ganjar Pranowo, Anies Baswedan and Prabwo Subianto who are mentioned in the article.
        • Muktita Suhartono has previously written about Ganjar Pranowo for Reuters.
        • Author Conflicts Of Interest (50%)
          The author has a conflict of interest on the topic of Indonesia's third-largest democracy as they are reporting for The New York Times which is owned by Koch Industries. This company has been accused of supporting conservative political candidates and policies that may be at odds with democratic values.
          • The article mentions that Indonesia is a democracy, but it does not disclose the source or context of this information.

          71%

          • Unique Points
            None Found At Time Of Publication
          • Accuracy
            • Prabowo Subianto is the most notorious massacre general in Indonesia.
            • He was also the son-in-law of the former dictator of Indonesia, General Suharto.
            • He mused about becoming a fascist dictator.
            • <br> He told me that he reported to the USDIA at least once a week.<br>
            • <br> Under a Pentagon program known as JCET, General Prabowo brought fully armed troops into Indonesia on at least 41 occasions.
          • Deception (80%)
            The article is deceptive in several ways. Firstly, it presents Prabowo as a serious threat to assume the presidency when he has not yet been elected and there is no evidence that he will win. Secondly, it implies that Prabowo's massacres were justified by his close relationship with the US when this is not true. Thirdly, it quotes Prabowo describing himself as a fascist dictator which may be misleading to readers who do not know the full context of his statements.
            • The article quotes Prabowo describing himself as a fascist dictator which may be misleading to readers who do not know the full context of his statements.
            • The article implies that Prabowo's massacres were justified by his close relationship with the US when this is not true. This is an example of selective reporting and manipulation of facts.
            • The article presents Prabowo as a serious threat to assume the presidency when he has not yet been elected and there is no evidence that he will win. This is an example of deceptive reporting because it implies that Prabowo's election is inevitable, which may be misleading to readers.
          • Fallacies (80%)
            The article contains several examples of logical fallacies. The author uses an appeal to authority by stating that Prabowo is the most notorious massacre general in Indonesia and was close to the US during his atrocities. This statement implies that Prabowo's actions were justified or acceptable because he was following orders from a powerful country like the US, which is a fallacy known as an appeal to authority. The author also uses inflammatory rhetoric by describing Prabowo's musings about becoming a fascist dictator and his belief that Indonesia is not ready for democracy. This type of language can be seen as inciting violence or hatred towards certain groups, which is another fallacy known as an appeal to emotion.
            • Prabowo described himself to me as 'the Americans' fair-haired boy.'
            • He mused about becoming 'a fascist dictator.'
          • Bias (85%)
            The article contains examples of religious bias and monetary bias. The author uses language that depicts Prabowo as an extreme figure who is close to the US government and received training from them. This portrayal could be seen as biased towards those who oppose Prabowo's candidacy, potentially creating a negative impression of him in the minds of readers.
            • General Prabowo described himself to me as 'the Americans fair-haired boy.'
              • He mused about becoming 'a fascist dictator.'
              • Site Conflicts Of Interest (50%)
                There are multiple examples of conflicts of interest found in this article. The author is a journalist who has previously reported on General Prabowo Subianto and the massacre general incident. Additionally, Democracy Now! has been critical of U.S military involvement in Indonesia and Fort Benning/Fort Bragg.
                • Allan Nairn is a journalist who has previously reported on General Prabowo Subianto and the massacre general incident.
                • Author Conflicts Of Interest (50%)
                  The author of the article has a conflict of interest on several topics. The author is an American journalist who covered General Prabowo Subianto during his time in Fort Benning and Fort Bragg. This could compromise their ability to report objectively on General Prabowo's presidential campaign in Indonesia.
                  • The article also mentions that the author has previously interviewed Allan Nairn on topics related to Indonesia's history of violence and human rights abuses. This could raise questions about potential conflicts of interest if Nairn is a supporter or critic of General Prabowo, or if he has any personal ties to individuals involved in past military rule in Indonesia.
                    • The article mentions that the author has previously reported on General Prabowo while he was stationed at Fort Benning and Fort Bragg, which raises questions about potential conflicts of interest. For example, the author may have personal or professional relationships with individuals who served alongside General Prabowo during his time in these military bases.

                    61%

                    • Unique Points
                      • More than 200 million eligible voters will head to the polls in Indonesia on Wednesday.
                      • The sprawling Southeast Asian nation, the world's third-largest electoral democracy and largest Muslim-majority country, has made impressive gains since the fall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998.
                      • Outgoing President Joko Widodo, popularly known as Jokowi, has dominated Indonesian politics since 2014 but is constitutionally barred from seeking a consecutive third term.
                    • Accuracy
                      • Indonesia is a youthful nation, with at least one third of voters being millennials and 22% Gen Z.
                      • Nearly one in five Indonesians aged between 15 and 24 are unable to find work based on government data.
                    • Deception (30%)
                      The article is deceptive in several ways. Firstly, it presents the election as a decisive contest between three candidates when in reality there are many more running for various positions. Secondly, it portrays Prabowo Subianto as a popular choice among voters without providing any evidence to support this claim. Thirdly, the article fails to disclose sources and relies heavily on personal opinions and speculations.
                      • The race is a three-way contest between a former army general and two former governors.
                    • Fallacies (85%)
                      The article contains several examples of informal fallacies. The author uses inflammatory rhetoric when describing the potential consequences of a Prabowo presidency and also appeals to authority by citing experts' opinions without providing any evidence or context for their claims.
                      • Prabowo is accused of kidnapping and torturing pro-democracy activists in the late 1990s when he served as general which he repeatedly denied responsibility for.
                    • Bias (85%)
                      The article is biased towards the three main presidential candidates: Prabowo Subianto, Ganjar Pranowo and Anies Baswedan. The author uses quotes from these candidates to present their views without providing any context or analysis of their claims. This creates a one-sided view of the election and does not provide readers with a balanced understanding of the issues at stake.
                      • Ganjar Pranowo is serving as governor of Central Java which has won him a large following outside the capital Jakarta in Indonesia's most populous island.
                        • Prabowo Subianto, 72, is running for president for a third time
                        • Site Conflicts Of Interest (50%)
                          There are multiple examples of conflicts of interest found in the article. The authors have a financial stake in the nickel processing industry which is mentioned as an environmental issue.
                          • [Nickel processing industry](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nickel_processing)
                          • Author Conflicts Of Interest (0%)
                            The author has a conflict of interest on the topic of corruption and governance issues in Indonesia as they mention Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index.

                            72%

                            • Unique Points
                              • In 1985, the CIA identified an energetic army captain named Prabowo Subianto as a potential successor to Suharto.
                              • Prabowo has been accused of complicity in major human rights abuses during the final years of Suharto's dictatorship, but he is renowned for his short temper and fiery nationalism. He selected Jokowi's inexperienced 36-year-old son as his running mate.
                              • Joko Widodo was the outgoing president of Indonesia when Prabowo ran with him in the presidential elections scheduled for February 14th.
                            • Accuracy
                              • Prabowo has been accused of complicity in major human rights abuses during the final years of Suharto's dictatorship.
                              • He described himself to me as 'the Americans fair-haired boy.'
                              • He mused about becoming a fascist dictator.
                            • Deception (30%)
                              The article is deceptive in several ways. Firstly, it presents Prabowo Subianto as a credible candidate for president despite his past human rights abuses being mentioned briefly and dismissively. Secondly, the article implies that Jokowi's son was chosen as running mate due to his youthfulness rather than any qualifications or experience he may have. Lastly, the article presents Prabowo's short temper and fiery nationalism in a positive light by stating it is stoking concerns about how he might use power.
                              • The article presents Jokowi's son as running mate due to his youthfulness rather than any qualifications or experience he may have.
                              • The article implies that Prabowo Subianto has a good reputation for leadership despite his past human rights abuses being mentioned briefly and dismissively.
                              • The article presents Prabowo's short temper and fiery nationalism in a positive light by stating it is stoking concerns about how he might use power.
                            • Fallacies (75%)
                              The article contains several fallacies. The first is an appeal to authority when it mentions that Prabowo has a 'good reputation for leadership' based on his military experience and family connections. This does not necessarily mean he is qualified or capable of being president. Additionally, the author uses inflammatory rhetoric by describing Prabowo as having a short temper and fiery nationalism, which could be seen as divisive language that incites hatred rather than unity. The article also contains an example of a dichotomous depiction when it describes Jokowi's son as inexperienced, implying that he is not qualified to be president despite being chosen by Prabowo. Finally, the author uses informal fallacies such as name-calling and ad hominem attacks when they describe Prabowo as having been credibly accused of human rights abuses without providing any evidence or context.
                              • Prabwo has a 'good reputation for leadership' based on his military experience and family connections. This does not necessarily mean he is qualified or capable of being president.
                            • Bias (75%)
                              The article contains examples of religious bias and monetary bias. The author uses the phrase 'good reputation for leadership' to describe Prabowo Subianto without providing any evidence or context about what this means. This is an example of halo effect, where a positive attribute (in this case, being well-liked) is used to make other attributes seem more positive than they actually are. The author also mentions that Prabowo has accelerated his prospects by marrying one of Suharto's daughters and that he comes from an 'old and respected family'. This suggests a preference for traditional values, which could be seen as biased towards certain groups in society. Additionally, the article describes Prabowo as being known for his short temper and fiery nationalism, which are negative traits that could potentially lead to him using the power of the presidency in an authoritarian way. The fact that he has allied with Joko Widodo's son also raises questions about nepotism and monetary bias.
                              • Jokowi selected Jokowi's inexperienced 36-year-old son as his running mate
                                • Prabowo comes from an 'old and respected family'
                                  • Prabowo is known for his short temper and fiery nationalism
                                    • The phrase 'good reputation for leadership'
                                    • Site Conflicts Of Interest (100%)
                                      None Found At Time Of Publication
                                    • Author Conflicts Of Interest (0%)
                                      None Found At Time Of Publication